The special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, produced a report of more than 400 pages that painted a deeply unflattering picture of President Trump but stopped short of accusing him of criminal wrongdoing. Here are seven takeaways.
特别检察官罗伯特·S·穆勒三世(Robert S. Mueller III)拿出了一份400多页的报告，描绘了一幅对特朗普总统很不利的画面，但没有对他发起任何刑事指控。以下是七个要点。
1. Trump did try to sabotage the investigation. His staff defied him.
When Attorney General Jeff Sessions told Mr. Trump that a special counsel had been appointed in May 2017, Mr. Trump grew angry: “I’m fucked,” he said, believing his presidency was ruined. He told Mr. Sessions, “This is the worst thing that ever happened to me.”
Mr. Trump began trying to get rid of Mr. Mueller, only to be thwarted by his staff. In instance after instance, his staff acted as a bulwark against Mr. Trump’s most destructive impulses. In June 2017, the president instructed Donald F. McGahn II, the White House counsel, to remove Mr. Mueller, but Mr. McGahn resisted. Rather than carry out the president’s order, he decided he would rather resign.
特朗普开始尝试除掉穆勒，却遭到了自己手下的阻挠。一次又一次，他的手下像堡垒一样挡住特朗普最具破坏性的冲动。2017年6月，总统指示白宫法律顾问唐纳德·F·麦克加恩二世(Donald F. McGahn II)去撤换穆勒，但麦克加恩没有听从。他非但没有执行总统的命令，反而宁可决定辞职。
Two days later, Mr. Trump asked another trusted adviser, Corey Lewandowski, to tell Mr. Sessions to end the investigation. Mr. Lewandowski did not want to, so he punted to a colleague, Rick Dearborn. He, too, “was uncomfortable with the task and did not follow through.”
两天后，特朗普让另一位他信任的法律顾问科里·莱万多夫斯基(Corey Lewandowski)命令塞申斯结束调查。莱万多夫斯基不想这么做，于是把球踢给了同事里克·迪尔伯恩(Rick Dearborn)。后者也是“对这任务感到不自在，并且没有予以落实”。
2. So many lies. So many changed stories.
One of the unanswered questions of the past two years — which helped fuel the F.B.I. investigation, congressional inquiries and journalistic scrutiny — is why so many people lied, changed their stories and issued misleading statements to both the public and federal authorities.
The report recaps one false statement after another. Just a few examples:
Mr. Trump was livid when journalists revealed that he had unsuccessfully ordered Mr. Mueller’s firing. The president tried to get Mr. McGahn to say publicly that was false, but Mr. McGahn refused, saying that the news reports were accurate. Mr. Mueller’s report notably declared that Mr. McGahn was “credible.”
Mr. Trump also pressed the deputy attorney general, Rod J. Rosenstein, to give a news conference about the firing of the F.B.I. director, James B. Comey. The White House press office wanted Mr. Rosenstein to say it was his idea. Mr. Rosenstein told the president that a news conference was a bad idea “because if the press asked him, he would tell the truth.”
特朗普还曾迫使司法部副部长罗德·J·罗森斯坦(Rod J. Rosenstein)召开关于FBI局长詹姆斯·B·科米(James B. Comey)被解职的新闻发布会。白宫新闻办公室想让罗森斯坦说那是他的主意。罗森斯坦告诉总统，召开新闻发布会不是个好主意，“因为如果媒体问起他，他会说出实情。”
The White House press secretary, Sarah Huckabee Sanders, admitted issuing a statement to the news media “in the heat of the moment that was not founded on anything.”
白宫新闻秘书萨拉·赫卡比·桑德斯(Sarah Huckabee Sanders)承认“因为冲动，在毫无依据的情况下”向新闻媒体发布了一份声明。
3. Fake news? Not so much.
The president has spent the past two years denouncing the news media. He has repeatedly accused reporters of making up sources to destroy his presidency. The report, though, shows not only that some of the most unflattering stories about Mr. Trump were accurate, but also that White House officials knew that was the case even as they heaped criticism on journalists.
In May 2017, for instance, The New York Times disclosed that Mr. Trump had asked Mr. Comey to end the F.B.I.’s investigation into the president’s national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn. Mr. Trump tweeted, “I never asked Comey to stop investigating Flynn. Just more Fake News covering another Comey lie!”
例如，《纽约时报》曾于2017年5月披露特朗普要求科米终止FBI对总统国家安全顾问迈克尔·T·弗林(Michael T. Flynn)的调查。特朗普发推称，“我从未要求科米停止调查弗林。这不过是掩盖科米又一个谎言的更多假新闻！”
“Despite those denials,” Mr. Mueller wrote, “substantial evidence corroborates Comey’s account.”
In another instance, Mr. Trump appeared to use criticism of the news media as a legal strategy. He attacked a Times article suggesting that his former lawyer, Michael D. Cohen, might cooperate with the Justice Department and provide information about Mr. Trump.
还有一次，特朗普似乎把批评新闻媒体当作法律策略来使用。他攻击了时报一篇文章，该文暗示他的前律师迈克尔·科恩(Michael D. Cohen)可能会与司法部合作，提供关于特朗普的信息。
That tweet coincided with outreach to Mr. Cohen by Mr. Trump’s associates, and Mr. Cohen understood that this was all part of an effort to get him to “stay on message and be part of the team.”
4. No obstruction? Not so fast.
Mr. Trump was quick to declare the report a total vindication.
But federal authorities went out of their way not to exonerate Mr. Trump. They wrote that his conduct in office “presents difficult issues that prevent us from conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred.”
5. Evading an F.B.I. interview proved a successful strategy.
Mr. Trump repeatedly said he was eager to sit for an interview with Mr. Mueller’s team, despite his lawyers’ insistence that doing so would be a terrible idea.
The report makes clear why his lawyers were so worried about it. Mr. Mueller had a huge cache of unanswered questions, misleading and conflicting statements, and unexplained actions with which to confront the president. Sitting for an interview, the report makes clear, would have exposed Mr. Trump to far more problems.
Mr. Mueller said he chose not to subpoena the president because a court fight would delay the investigation. But that decision meant that the authorities were never able to ask the central question in the obstruction case: What was Mr. Trump thinking when he tried repeatedly to undermine the federal investigation?
6. No evidence of conspiracy, but lots of reason to investigate.
Mr. Mueller makes explicit what Mr. Trump has repeatedly cast doubt on: Russia secretly manipulated the 2016 presidential election.
The investigation ultimately found no evidence that anyone from Mr. Trump’s campaign participated in that effort, but the report reveals in stark detail the many suspicious interactions that had the F.B.I. so worried. Many of those have been reported, but the report amounts to a compendium that helps explain the origins of the F.B.I. investigation, known as “Crossfire Hurricane.”
For instance, it has long been known that George Papadopoulos, a young campaign aide, was told that the Russian government had “dirt” on Hillary Clinton in the form of thousands of emails. But the report goes much further, revealing that Mr. Papadopoulos suggested an explicit offer by the Russian government to work with the Trump campaign to sabotage Mrs. Clinton.
例如，人们早就知道，年轻的竞选团队助手乔治·帕帕佐普洛斯(George Papadopoulos)被告知，俄罗斯政府有希拉里•克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的“黑料”，即数千封电子邮件。但这份报告走得更远，显示帕帕佐普洛斯建议俄罗斯政府明确提出与特朗普竞选团队合作，破坏克林顿。
7. Imagine reading this report cold.
Prosecutors describe a president who was preoccupied with ending a federal investigation, a White House that repeatedly told misleading and changing stories, and a presidential campaign that was in repeated contact with Russian officials for reasons that are not always clear.
Even though prosecutors concluded that didn’t amount to provably criminal conduct, the report is astounding in its sweep. Yet it is also a reminder of how much the public has learned over the past two years about Mr. Trump’s conduct.
If the American public or members of Congress were learning these things for the first time, the political fallout would normally be devastating. The consequences of the report remain to be seen, but if people are not surprised or shocked by the revelations, then Mr. Trump may have benefited by the steady drip of news stories he has so loudly criticized.